Ett fall där objektet inte kan stå i fundamentet

Christer Platzack

Ett fall där objektet inte kan stå i fundamentet

Christer Platzack

Swedish

Research output: Chapter in Book/Report/Conference proceeding › Book chapter › Research

Abstract

Restrictions of what is in first position in a Swedish declarative clause are usually textual or pragmatic, very seldom grammatical. In this paper I discuss one case of this type, the fact that the indirect object cannot be in sentence initial position in passive of ditransitive verbs where the DP corresponding to the direct object has been promoted to subject, as in (i):
(1) *Johan har det här jobbet blivit erbjudet.
There is no general restriction prohibiting an indirect object to be in first position:
(2) Johan hade han erbjudit jobbet.
The solution proposed to the question why (1) is out is formulated within a particular implementation of the minimalist program. To be placed in first position, a DP must be visible to the phase-head C. As I show in the paper, the indirect object in a case like (1) is invisible to C, hence there is a grammatical reason why (1) is ungrammatical.

Original language	Swedish
Title of host publication	Lekt och lärt. Vänskrift till Jan Einarsson 2006
Editors	Sofia Ask, Gunilla Byrman, Solveig Hammarbäck, Maria Lindgren, Per Stille
Publisher	Växjö universitet
Pages	215-229
ISBN (Print)	91-7636-506-9
Publication status	Published - 2006

Publication series

Name
ISSN (Print)	1404-0441

Bibliographical note

The information about affiliations in this record was updated in December 2015.
The record was previously connected to the following departments: Swedish (015011001)

Subject classification (UKÄ)

Languages and Literature

Free keywords

V2
topicalization
first position restriction
ditransitive verbs
passive

Cite this

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title = "Ett fall d{\"a}r objektet inte kan st{\aa} i fundamentet",

abstract = "Restrictions of what is in first position in a Swedish declarative clause are usually textual or pragmatic, very seldom grammatical. In this paper I discuss one case of this type, the fact that the indirect object cannot be in sentence initial position in passive of ditransitive verbs where the DP corresponding to the direct object has been promoted to subject, as in (i): (1) *Johan har det h{\"a}r jobbet blivit erbjudet. There is no general restriction prohibiting an indirect object to be in first position: (2) Johan hade han erbjudit jobbet. The solution proposed to the question why (1) is out is formulated within a particular implementation of the minimalist program. To be placed in first position, a DP must be visible to the phase-head C. As I show in the paper, the indirect object in a case like (1) is invisible to C, hence there is a grammatical reason why (1) is ungrammatical.",

keywords = "V2, topicalization, first position restriction, ditransitive verbs, passive",

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PY - 2006

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N2 - Restrictions of what is in first position in a Swedish declarative clause are usually textual or pragmatic, very seldom grammatical. In this paper I discuss one case of this type, the fact that the indirect object cannot be in sentence initial position in passive of ditransitive verbs where the DP corresponding to the direct object has been promoted to subject, as in (i): (1) *Johan har det här jobbet blivit erbjudet. There is no general restriction prohibiting an indirect object to be in first position: (2) Johan hade han erbjudit jobbet. The solution proposed to the question why (1) is out is formulated within a particular implementation of the minimalist program. To be placed in first position, a DP must be visible to the phase-head C. As I show in the paper, the indirect object in a case like (1) is invisible to C, hence there is a grammatical reason why (1) is ungrammatical.

AB - Restrictions of what is in first position in a Swedish declarative clause are usually textual or pragmatic, very seldom grammatical. In this paper I discuss one case of this type, the fact that the indirect object cannot be in sentence initial position in passive of ditransitive verbs where the DP corresponding to the direct object has been promoted to subject, as in (i): (1) *Johan har det här jobbet blivit erbjudet. There is no general restriction prohibiting an indirect object to be in first position: (2) Johan hade han erbjudit jobbet. The solution proposed to the question why (1) is out is formulated within a particular implementation of the minimalist program. To be placed in first position, a DP must be visible to the phase-head C. As I show in the paper, the indirect object in a case like (1) is invisible to C, hence there is a grammatical reason why (1) is ungrammatical.

KW - V2

KW - topicalization

KW - first position restriction

KW - ditransitive verbs

KW - passive

M3 - Kapitel samlingsverk

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BT - Lekt och lärt. Vänskrift till Jan Einarsson 2006

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A2 - Byrman, Gunilla

A2 - Hammarbäck, Solveig

A2 - Lindgren, Maria

A2 - Stille, Per

PB - Växjö universitet

ER -