The role of segmental and suprasegmental information in word-level and sentence-level predictions

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The role of segmental and suprasegmental information in word-level and sentence-level predictions. / Söderström, Pelle; Horne, Merle; Roll, Mikael.

2018. Poster presenterad vid Bridging Attention and Prediction 2018, Barcelona, Spanien.

Forskningsoutput: KonferensbidragPoster

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APA

Söderström, P., Horne, M., & Roll, M. (2018). The role of segmental and suprasegmental information in word-level and sentence-level predictions. Poster presenterad vid Bridging Attention and Prediction 2018, Barcelona, Spanien.

CBE

Söderström P, Horne M, Roll M. 2018. The role of segmental and suprasegmental information in word-level and sentence-level predictions. Poster presenterad vid Bridging Attention and Prediction 2018, Barcelona, Spanien.

MLA

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Söderström P, Horne M, Roll M. The role of segmental and suprasegmental information in word-level and sentence-level predictions. 2018. Poster presenterad vid Bridging Attention and Prediction 2018, Barcelona, Spanien.

Author

RIS

TY - CONF

T1 - The role of segmental and suprasegmental information in word-level and sentence-level predictions

AU - Söderström, Pelle

AU - Horne, Merle

AU - Roll, Mikael

PY - 2018/2/20

Y1 - 2018/2/20

N2 - IntroductionThis contribution presents recent research results on segmental andsuprasegmental cues to word-internal and sentence-level structure. InSwedish, prosody is tightly connected to morphological and syntacticstructure. For example, every word stem is pronounced with either a low or ahigh tone. The stem tone depends on what follows the stem. Thus, if asingular suffix is connected to the word stem (as in båt-en, ‘boat-SGDEF’), the stem is associated with a low tone, while plural suffixes inducea high tone onto the word stem (båt-ar, ‘boat PL INDEF). Furthermore, thehigh tone also cues compound word structures. Therefore, high stem tonesconsistently cue more possible continuations as compared to low stem tones.Similarly, on the sentence level, high tones at the beginning of clauses cancue different kinds of structures (statements, questions) as opposed to lowclause-initial tones which only cue subordinate clause structure. A number of EEG and fMRI experiments have investigated the neural response to these cues, focusing on the finding that more predictively useful cues in Swedish have been connected to an ERP component, the ‘pre-activation negativity’(PrAN), which has been found to be modulated by predictive certainty asregards possible word or sentence continuations. Specifically, PrAN has beenfound to increase in amplitude as an inverse function of the number ofpossible continuations of a word (Söderström et al. 2016, Roll et al.2017).MethodsIn word-level experiments, participants listened to sentences with nounscarrying low or high stem tones cueing either singular or plural suffixes andwere asked to judge whether the word was singular or plural. Insentence-level experiments, participants were asked to judge the word order(main or subordinate clause structure) of clauses preceded by clause-initialpredictive tonal cues. ERPs and event-related fMRI have been time-locked toboth predictive cue onset (i.e. the tone) and onset of the predictedstructure. Similarly, the impact of segmental cues to upcoming word structure – the initial phonemes of a word – has also been investigated using bothfMRI and ERPs.ResultsMore predictive cues at the word and sentence level appear to elicit aleft-lateralised and anterior pre-activation negativity in the ERPs, ataround 100 ms after cue onset. Word-level predictive cues, both at thesegmental and suprasegmental levels, increase activity mainly in the leftinferior parietal lobe and temporal lobe, while more predictive cues at thesentence level correlate with activity in left inferior frontal gyrus (BA44)and anterior insula. The amplitude of PrAN has also been found to correlatewith subsequent behavioural measures, such as response accuracy and response time. Furthermore, disconfirmed predictions lead to P600 effects, and at the word level, unexpected suffixes have given rise to either LAN or N400 effects.ConclusionsPredictive cues – both segmental and suprasegmental – in Swedish giverise to a left anterior ERP negativity, which increases in amplitude as afunction of (certain measures of) predictive certainty. We suggest that thepre-activation negativity is an index of a mechanism in some way related tothe pre-activation of strongly expected linguistic information at both theword and sentence level.

AB - IntroductionThis contribution presents recent research results on segmental andsuprasegmental cues to word-internal and sentence-level structure. InSwedish, prosody is tightly connected to morphological and syntacticstructure. For example, every word stem is pronounced with either a low or ahigh tone. The stem tone depends on what follows the stem. Thus, if asingular suffix is connected to the word stem (as in båt-en, ‘boat-SGDEF’), the stem is associated with a low tone, while plural suffixes inducea high tone onto the word stem (båt-ar, ‘boat PL INDEF). Furthermore, thehigh tone also cues compound word structures. Therefore, high stem tonesconsistently cue more possible continuations as compared to low stem tones.Similarly, on the sentence level, high tones at the beginning of clauses cancue different kinds of structures (statements, questions) as opposed to lowclause-initial tones which only cue subordinate clause structure. A number of EEG and fMRI experiments have investigated the neural response to these cues, focusing on the finding that more predictively useful cues in Swedish have been connected to an ERP component, the ‘pre-activation negativity’(PrAN), which has been found to be modulated by predictive certainty asregards possible word or sentence continuations. Specifically, PrAN has beenfound to increase in amplitude as an inverse function of the number ofpossible continuations of a word (Söderström et al. 2016, Roll et al.2017).MethodsIn word-level experiments, participants listened to sentences with nounscarrying low or high stem tones cueing either singular or plural suffixes andwere asked to judge whether the word was singular or plural. Insentence-level experiments, participants were asked to judge the word order(main or subordinate clause structure) of clauses preceded by clause-initialpredictive tonal cues. ERPs and event-related fMRI have been time-locked toboth predictive cue onset (i.e. the tone) and onset of the predictedstructure. Similarly, the impact of segmental cues to upcoming word structure – the initial phonemes of a word – has also been investigated using bothfMRI and ERPs.ResultsMore predictive cues at the word and sentence level appear to elicit aleft-lateralised and anterior pre-activation negativity in the ERPs, ataround 100 ms after cue onset. Word-level predictive cues, both at thesegmental and suprasegmental levels, increase activity mainly in the leftinferior parietal lobe and temporal lobe, while more predictive cues at thesentence level correlate with activity in left inferior frontal gyrus (BA44)and anterior insula. The amplitude of PrAN has also been found to correlatewith subsequent behavioural measures, such as response accuracy and response time. Furthermore, disconfirmed predictions lead to P600 effects, and at the word level, unexpected suffixes have given rise to either LAN or N400 effects.ConclusionsPredictive cues – both segmental and suprasegmental – in Swedish giverise to a left anterior ERP negativity, which increases in amplitude as afunction of (certain measures of) predictive certainty. We suggest that thepre-activation negativity is an index of a mechanism in some way related tothe pre-activation of strongly expected linguistic information at both theword and sentence level.

KW - prediction

KW - pre-activation

KW - prosody

KW - ERP

KW - fMRI

KW - psycholinguistics

KW - syntax

KW - morphology

M3 - Poster

ER -